The Rudolf Steiner Archive

At the forefront of events is the resignation of Puttkamer on the 8th. We shed light on this event in a leading position. The information circulated so far about the possible successor is based only on combinations. The appointment of the latter has probably been delayed due to the Emperor's state of health, which has unfortunately deteriorated regrettably in the last few days.

On the 9th, the delegation session opened in Pest. The following bills were submitted to the delegates: the joint estimate for 1889, the extraordinary credit for the troops in Bosnia, the supplementary credits of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Navy, the special credit for military precautionary measures, a bill concerning the extension of credits for the Navy, the final accounts for 1886, the statement of expenditure for 1887 and the Bosnian budget. The net requirement resulting from these bills is 192 million. If the amount of 17.6 million is deducted from this, which is made available to the joint government in case of urgent need - it must obtain the agreement of the Austrian and Hungarian governments for any use - the considerable sum of 175 million still remains. Approximately 96% of this is accounted for by military expenses and 29.7 million by the extraordinary armaments credit (of which ı6 million has already been used following the decision of the Crown Council at Christmas). The ordinary requirements of the army amounted to 115.9 million, the extraordinary 23.1 million and the Bosnian occupation credit 4.5 million. These figures shed all too bright a light on the political situation in Europe, which is touched upon in the Emperor's address to the delegations with the following words: "The relations of the monarchy with the foreign powers are of a thoroughly friendly character; but if, in spite of this, my government is compelled, in its dutiful care for the security of our frontiers and the promotion of our military strength, to draw on considerable credits, the reason for this lies mainly in the continuing uncertainty of the political situation in Europe." Our governments use words to express their hopes and figures to express their fears.

The Crown Prince and Crown Princess have traveled to Bosnia and arrived in Serajevo today.

A conflict has broken out between Italy and the Sultan of Zanzibar; the Sultan has refused to implement the treaty concluded with Italy by his predecessor, which decreed the cession of the coast between Cape Delgado and the Equator to Italy.

The University of Bologna celebrated its eighth centenary on the 12th of this month.

A surprising event is the fall of the Egyptian Prime Minister Nubar Pasha, which seems to have come as a surprise even to England, where people were used to seeing him as the promoter of English interests. The immediate cause is said to be the reforms that Nubar demanded with regard to the land tax and the agricultural system, for which Nubar was unable to obtain support from the English representative Baring, who had long been his opponent. The deeper reason, however, was probably the opposition of France to Nubar, which the latter had provoked by his intended suppression of the French journal in Egypt "Bosphore" a few years ago, as well as by a statement he is said to have made about France, which "since 1870 has been a corpse that can be trampled underfoot". France seems to have played a part in his downfall.

On the 12th, elections were held in Belgium to renew half of the members of the Chamber and Senate. The Liberals suffered a complete defeat. Not only did they not win a single seat, they even lost two. A run-off election between the candidate of the moderate Liberals and the Independents is necessary in Brussels.

Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria is about to decide on the Popov trial. He did not immediately confirm the court-martial verdict, but returned the case files to the Minister of War with the explanation that he still had to consider the matter. The reports that the Ministry had split into two parties, one or the other of which, depending on the Prince's decision, wished to resign, were declared by the "Agence Havas" to be fictitious. The Prince and Princess Clementine intend to spend some time in Eastern Rumelia.

When it was announced to the world on Friday the 15th that Emperor Frederick had died, a wave of profound emotion ran through the world. Everywhere it was felt what Frederick could have been to the German people if the treacherous illness had not prevented him. No one can hide the fact that this emperor on the throne would have represented an ethical greatness that would have given rise to the greatest hopes. Voices from all parts of the world are pouring in, expressing the deepest sympathy for the noble ruler. The funeral took place on Monday morning at ½II o'clock. Wilhelm II addressed the army for the first time after his accession to the throne. We will only highlight the most striking passages: "In the army, the firm, unbreakable allegiance to the warlord is the legacy that passes from father to son, from generation to generation; and I also refer to my grandfather, the image of the glorious and venerable warlord, as it cannot be thought of more beautifully and appealing to the heart; to my dear father, who already earned a place of honor in the army as crown prince... I vow to be mindful that the eyes of my ancestors look down upon me."

The proclamation of the new King of Prussia is reproduced here as his most important proclamation:

To my people! God's decree has once again imposed upon us the most painful mourning. Now that the tomb over the mortal remains of my unforgettable grandfather has barely closed, my beloved father's majesty has also been recalled from this temporality to eternal peace. The heroic energy arising from Christian submission, with which he was able to fulfill his royal duties despite his suffering, seemed to give room for the hope that he would remain with the Fatherland for a longer time. God decided otherwise. The royal sufferer, whose heart beat for all that was great and beautiful, was given only a few months to exercise on the throne the noble qualities of mind and heart that had won him the love of his people. The virtues that adorned him, the victories he once won on the battlefields, will be gratefully remembered as long as German hearts beat, and everlasting fame will glorify his chivalrous figure in the history of the Fatherland.

Called to the throne of my fathers, I have taken over the government looking up to the King of all kings and have vowed to God, following the example of my fathers, to be a just and mild prince to my people, to cultivate piety and the fear of God, to protect peace, to promote the welfare of the country, to be a helper to the poor and afflicted, and a faithful guardian of justice.

When I ask God for strength to fulfill these royal duties that his will imposes on me, I am supported by the trust in the Prussian people that the retrospect of our history grants me. In good days and in bad, the Prussian people have always been loyal to their King. I also count on this loyalty, the bond of which has proved unbreakable towards my fathers in every difficult time and danger, in the knowledge that I repay it wholeheartedly as the loyal prince of a loyal people, both equally strong in their devotion to the common fatherland.

From this awareness of the reciprocity of love that binds me to my people, I take confidence that God will grant me the strength and wisdom to exercise my royal office for the good of the Fatherland.

Potsdam, June 8, 1888, Wilhelm.

The Imperial Diet is convened by imperial decree on Monday, June 25. The Emperor himself will open it with a speech from the throne.

In Austria, it is the delegations that are currently the focus of political interest. It is worth mentioning above all the friendly and deeply political manner in which the alliance with Germany is being treated by the Hungarian statesmen, so that Count Kalnoky could rightly say that it had hardly happened before that an act of state concluded in secret had been brought into the public eye in this way and welcomed with such universal approval. Reference was also made to the importance of the alliance with Italy, and it must certainly also give satisfaction that Kalnoky was able to say that the conclusion of the last trade treaty with that empire, which placed trade relations on a secure footing, had shown how the leading Italian statesman, Crispi, was directing policy with energy and enlightened understanding towards the closest possible union of his country with Germany and Austria-Hungary. With regard to the political situation in Europe, we have probably learned nothing new. Count Kalnoky also emphasized that none of the causes which last winter and earlier had made peace appear endangered had diminished. The concerns arise not only from the conditions on the Balkan peninsula, but rather from the general Eutopean situation, from the balance of power in the individual states and the profound differences of opinion not so much between the cabinets as between the populations. As far as Bulgaria was concerned, Austria-Hungary's sympathy for Prince Ferdinand was clear enough, and the only obstacle to official recognition of the latter by the Monarchy was the fact that Turkey, which was entitled to take the initiative, had not yet done so. - During the discussion of the war budget, Reich Minister of War Bauer emphasized that in future more care should be taken in the training schools to cultivate the Hungarian language among officers, but that this should not be detrimental to the common army language. The ordinance was approved unanimously.

The reception that the Austrian Crown Prince and Princess received throughout Bosnia was extremely gratifying.

According to the latest news, Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria is likely to settle the Popov affair in a manner favorable to the latter. The ministers seem to agree with the Prince's will, and there can no longer be any talk of a cabinet crisis. The Prince departs with Princess Clementine for Philippopel, where Prime Minister Stambulov awaits him.

The run-off elections in Belgium gave the Catholics all eight seats in the Senate and one in the Chamber.

In Madrid, a ministerial crisis took place as a result of differences between the influential Marshal Martinez Campos and the Minister of War, whose military reform was opposed by the latter. The newly formed Sagasta cabinet declared in the Chamber that it only wanted to be a continuation of the previous one.

On Monday Wilhelm II spoke to the German people in the Reichstag and on Wednesday in the Prussian House of Representatives. They were words that are capable of creating clarity in every direction. The new ruler proclaimed that he was determined "as Emperor and King to follow the same paths on which his blessed grandfather had found the trust of his allies, the love of the German people and the benevolent recognition of foreign countries". For us Germans in Austria, the Emperor's words about the German-Austrian alliance are of particular importance: "Our alliance with Austria-Hungary is generally known. I adhere to it with German loyalty, not merely because it has been concluded, but because I see in this defensive alliance a basis of European equilibrium, as well as a legacy of German history, the content of which is supported today by the public opinion of the entire German people and corresponds to the traditional European law of nations, as it was undisputedly valid until 1866." These words emanate from a profound understanding of the circumstances, so in keeping with the spirit of Germanness and its historical development, that they must make a strong impression on every German and evoke deep satisfaction. The Emperor's declarations on foreign policy are thoroughly reassuring. Everywhere in Europe the words of the new ruler of the Germans were greeted in the most sympathetic manner.

The Austro-Hungarian delegations have almost finished their work. The Austrian delegation has already completed all the bills in the second reading, and the 47 million credit requested for extraordinary army expenses has been adopted unanimously. It will therefore probably be possible to conclude the session on Thursday. Against the 47 million credit, the delegates argued that in future those expenses which are to be regarded as permanent should be included in the ordinary army requirement, and that the lump-sum credits, which are beyond the control of the parliament, should not become too high. Apponyi's words in the Hungarian delegation concerning the transformation of Austria's passive policy on the Balkan question into an active one are noteworthy. Austria-Hungary should not sit back and watch Russia's policy on the Balkan peninsula, but should use all its influence to bring about legal recognition of the actual existing conditions. Kalnoky's speech in the delegations' budget debate, which firmly denied that Austria was thinking of any conquests on the Balkan peninsula, caused a change of attitude against Austria in Greece, where it had not been understood until then that Russia and not Austria was the enemy of the free development of the Balkan peoples.

Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria is still facing the condemnation of Popov as an unresolved issue. The latest news seems to indicate that the matter will be resolved without a ministerial crisis.

The Boulangists are divided among themselves, Michelin and his comrades will henceforth only follow the General if he accepts the radical program they have drawn up. The French Council of Ministers rejected the Institut de France's request to lift the Duc d'Aumale's banishment.

In Spain, the Chamber rejected an amendment concerning Spain's official participation in the Paris Universal Exhibition.

On June 8, the House of Lords passed the Salisbury Bill to reform the House of Lords. The Bill empowers the Queen to appoint no more than five peers for life each year, three of whom must have held a senior position of state and the remaining two must otherwise be of public importance. The total number of peers may never exceed fifty.

In Belgrade on June 24, at the banquet organized in honour of the Cabinet, King Milan made a toast containing remarkable political statements. The King said that only the errors committed in Serbia's politics in the last seventy years have recently led to the dismissal of a ministry based on the trust of the people.

Emperor Wilhelm II's two speeches from the throne were received throughout Europe in the most favorable way imaginable, including in Russia and even in France. If one disregards a few Russian newspaper voices, which are disgruntled by the sharp emphasis on the unity of Germany and Austria-Hungary, it is clear that the new ruler is greeted in the most sympathetic manner in the Tsarist Empire. The meeting between Emperor Wilhelm and the Tsar, which will take place in the middle of July, will certainly contribute to strengthening those relations which the Emperor described in his speech from the throne as a special need of the heart.

On July 2, Puttkamer was succeeded by Undersecretary of State von Herrfurth. The new Minister of the Interior is not affiliated with any of the parliamentary parties, but is an experienced civil servant. This appointment shows the amount of political insight the new Emperor has at his disposal. In Germany, the realization of this seems to be gaining ground. The German federal princes are said to have particularly emphasized the extraordinary impressions they received from the manly seriousness and great political tact of William II, and Prince Bismarck, according to the unanimous reports of the German newspapers, could not emphasize enough to some Prussian Pairs the devotion of the ruler, his firmness of will and calmness.

The National Liberals decided not to renew the cartel with the Conservatives.

The Austro-Hungarian delegations closed their meetings on June 28. The delegates, correctly recognizing the dubious European situation, approved all the demands of the army administration, but not without emphasizing that they had now reached a level beyond which they could no longer go; they had made the utmost demands on the taxpayers' ability to pay. A look at the delegation negotiations reveals a pleasing picture as far as Austria's orientation policy is concerned. The agreement of our Foreign Office to the situation in Bulgaria and the emphasis on Greece's claims to its free development are proof that Austria knows what the Balkan peoples want.

On July 1, Count Apponyi gave a speech to his constituents in which he explained the motives that guided the delegations when they gave their consent to the high demands of the joint government: "We want peace and are firmly convinced that determination will secure peace, but wavering will lead to war."

In the German Association in Prague, Prof. Knoll gave a speech on the political situation. He rebuked the behavior of the Germans in the last part of the session in several ways; in particular, he turned against the Viennese pseudo-democrats and the anti-Semites.

The ambassador in London, Count Karolyi, took permanent retirement on June 20.

On 28 June Pope Leo XIII issued an encyclical in which he decisively condemned the idea of freedom advocated by the moderns and constructed a "true concept of freedom" in the spirit of the Church, which does credit to his scholastic sophistry but is decidedly alien to modern consciousness.

Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria confirmed Popov's sentence and subsequently pardoned him. In this way, he satisfied the two opposing parties in the ministry and resolved a difficult issue in a way that was most favorable to the country. Some of Popov's friends were arrested for demonstrating.

The Salisbury ministry has happily withstood the onslaught of opposition. Morley's vote of censure was rejected by the House by 366 votes to 273.

In France, the Floquet ministry is in a bind. It cannot stand up to the opportunists in the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies accepted the motion against the Ministry that the Budget Commission could only take decisions if 17 members were present. The second defeat was the election of the Budget Commission itself, in which the opportunists were represented by 20 members and the government supporters by 13. In addition, Rouvier, Gambetta's Finance Minister, one of the most outstanding leaders of the opportunists, was appointed President of the Commission. Flourens interpellated on the 3rd because of the affair in Carcassonne, where the Maire defied the orders of the judiciary and is said to have compromised the government; but the cabinet received a vote of confidence.

In the United States, Cleveland of the Democrats and Harrison of the Republicans are now the final candidates for the presidency.

Emperor Wilhelm will depart on July 5 and arrive in Peterhof on July 20. Count Herbert Bismarck will accompany the Emperor

On Friday a Crown Council took place under the chairmanship of the Emperor, in which the latter called upon the Councillors of the Crown to be devoted to him in the same way as his father and grandfather, and in which he said that he wished to govern exactly in the spirit of his ancestors, that the Embassy of 1881 should be the basis of social legislation and the treaties with Austria and Italy those of foreign policy.

More and more reports emerged that the Minister of Education, Gautsch, was planning to allow Czech lawyers to take their state examinations in Bohemian if they renounced state appointments. The German National deputies Steinwender (in Villach), Bendel (in Reichenberg) and Richter (in Korneuburg) held voters' meetings to report to their constituents on their activities in the Reichsrat. The latter demanded that they leave the Reichsrat if the interests of the people were harmed in a similar way to the spirits tax law.

On July 5, news arrived that King Milan had intervened at the Serbian Synod to obtain a divorce from Queen Natalie. However, he finally agreed to a mere separation. This is linked to the demand that the crown prince be taken from his mother's side and brought up in the country. The Queen is currently in Wiesbaden, where she is to remain until the trial is concluded. The Bishop Demetrius of Nisch and the Minister of War Protic have gone to the Queen to reclaim the Crown Prince and initiate the divorce. The bishop has already traveled home to report to the synod on his unsuccessful mission, while Protic has remained in Wiesbaden to bring the crown prince to Serbia once the matter has been decided.

In France, the Senate adopted Article 37 of the Recruitment Act in its second reading, which sets the period of active service in the army at three years and the reserve service at six and a half years. The Count of Paris sent a manifesto to the communes in which he presented the monarchy as the stronghold of communal freedom. It was confiscated. On Sunday, General Boulanger gave a speech at a banquet in Rennes, in which he again declared the dissolution of the Chamber and the revision of the Constitution to be a necessity. On ıo. a banquet was held in Saint-Sevant in Boulanger's honor.

In the House of Commons, Fenwick moved a motion to reintroduce parliamentary allowances for deputies, which Gladstone supported. The motion was defeated by 192 votes to 35. Parnell moved a motion to appoint a committee to investigate the charges brought against the Irish leader. The large number of unfinished business will necessitate a fall session of parliament.

In the Netherlands, owing to the advanced age and weakened health of the King, a guardianship must be appointed for the young Princess Wilhelmine, who is to ascend the throne according to the law of succession, to be shared by the Queen and several distinguished Dutchmen. The chamber therefore convenes on the 16th of this month.

In Italy, the Senate approved the government bills concerning the railroads and financial measures. Prime Minister Crispi, then Ministers Magliani and Grimaldi are awarded the Grand Cross of the Austrian Order of Leopold.

It is reported from Sofia that the Minister of Finance has demanded that the government authorize the suspension of payments for the East Rumelian tribute because the Porte refuses to recognize the East Rumelian postal service and the operation of the Bellova-Vakarel line by the Bulgarian company. - Prince Ferdinand travels to Burgas and Varna with Duchess Clementine and Kalofer's suite. The officers arrested for the Popov demonstration were set free.

Emperor Wilhelm began his journey to Russia on July 3rd with a large entourage, arriving in Kiel on Saturday morning to continue his journey by sea on the imperial yacht "Hohenzollern". The Emperor's meeting with the Tsar is to take place at sea on Thursday the 19th. On the same day, the German monarch will arrive in Kronstadt, where he will reside during his stay in Russia.

The character of Emperor Wilhelm is illuminated in an interesting way by a recently published essay by his former tutor Hinzpeter.

The German political association of Saaz held a traveling meeting in Kolleschowitz on the 15th, at which Deputy Krepek gave his report. He strongly criticized the government's financial measures and regretted that nothing was being done to remedy the sad situation of the farmers. On July 9, Representative Steinwender presented his report to his constituents in Bleiberg-Kreuth, where he sharply attacked the government's approach to the liquor tax issue. The annual meeting of the German Association took place in Brno on July 16 under the chairmanship of Promber, a member of the Reichsrat. At this meeting, the association's efforts were described as being guided by the motto: "National, loyal to the state and united"; the Liechtenstein school proposal was rejected in the most decisive manner.

The Serbian crown prince has returned to his homeland. Queen Natalie had to hand over her son at the determined request of the German authorities. Queen Natalie stayed in Vienna from Sunday evening until Tuesday and left from here for Paris.

It is reported from Sofia that Zankoff will soon return to Bulgaria from Constantinople and will offer his hand for an understanding between himself and Stambulov.

On the 12th, Boulanger submitted a new motion in the French Chamber for a revision of the constitution and the dissolution of the Chamber. The manner in which he did so, and the outrageous insults he hurled in the faces of his opponents, caused quite a stir. Finally, the general handed over the letter he had brought with him, stating that he was resigning his seat. The result of Boulanger's appearance was a duel with swords between Floquet and Boulanger, in which the latter was seriously wounded in the neck.

On the 13th, the unveiling of the Gambetta monument took place on Carousel Square. Floquet gave a speech highlighting Gambetta's importance. Freycinet particularly praised the steadfastness that Gambetta maintained at all stages of the war and the dedication with which he devoted himself to the army.

On July 14, the celebration of the 99th anniversary of the storming of the Bastille took place in Paris. President Carnot gave a speech to the assembled maires in which he declared that the destiny of modern France could not be separated from the Republic.

In the English House of Lords, Argyll moved a vote of confidence in the government for its policy towards Ireland. This was passed unanimously.

In the last ten days of July, the celebration of the nine hundredth anniversary of Christianity in Russia takes place in Kiev. A few days ago, a ukase was published by the Tsar, which significantly changes the existing military law. The total period of service will now be ı8 years, five years in the active army and 13 in the reserve. As a result, the Russian army increased from 500,000 to 600,000 men.

In Austria, the budget debate is less and less what it wants to be and should be according to an old custom: a true reflection of the views prevailing in the state, of the diverse political, national and economic forces. This year more than ever we had to lament the lack of great political ideas in our parties and the concealment of this lack through the exclusive spending of political small change. We Germans are the worst sufferers. While our opponents are in possession of power and thus know how to assert their claims, even without basing them on sound political principles, we are dependent on the way we represent our cause to give us the influence we deserve.

The Germans in Austria have experienced a peculiar fate in recent times. The time is not so far behind us when there was practically no national German party. As long as the leadership of the state was in their hands, the Germans pondered an abstract ideal of the state, which was simply based on the liberal template. They ignored the actual circumstances. It was believed that the spirit of the people could be guided by the idea, forgetting that the guiding raison d'état had to spring from the spirit of the people in reverse. There could be no question of favoring the German element, if only because no thought was given to the individuality of the people. One member of parliament even said at the time that the German and any other existing nationality was irrelevant for the Austrian state, which would have to adopt a purely Austrian nationality(!). But when the government passed into other hands, the German people soon found that liberalism could not be the appropriate weapon to effectively counter the onslaught from all sides. The national idea, of which very little had been incorporated into the principles of the liberal party, had to be called upon to help. Do not misunderstand us. We do not want to fall into the error of many of our younger politicians, who would prefer to deny the importance of this party altogether. We do not misjudge the amount of spirit that rests in this party, we know quite well that the factual work of parliament is mostly carried out by it; but there can be no doubt that it has never grasped the cultural mission that is incumbent on the German people in Austria. To mention just one thing: how miserable it is when nothing but purely utilitarian reasons (for official communication, etc.) are put forward time and again in favor of the German state language. This party lacks understanding for the fact that the non-German peoples of Austria, in order to reach that level of education which is a necessary requirement of modern times, must absorb what the German spirit and German labor have created, and that the level of education of a people cannot be reached in any other language than the language of the people concerned. What has no past has no future. If the peoples of Austria want to compete with the Germans, then they must above all catch up with the process of development that the Germans have undergone, they must acquire German culture in the German language, just as the Romans did with Greek education in Greek, and the Germans with Latin education in Latin. The process of development of the peoples, which is a necessary result of history, should be the point of view from which, for example, the struggle for the establishment of Slavic educational institutions is waged. But how petty these battles have often been waged by the liberal party! The liberals regarded the national cause only as a means of promoting liberalism. This forced the German people to form a party in which the national idea was paramount and which sought all its strength in the roots of the nation. Great were the hopes we all placed in the men who, as the embodiment of this idea, entered the House of Representatives and formed the German Club. Now, we thought, it must be shown what the German is capable of when he relies entirely on his Germanness, but only on this. And who could doubt that this ability would be great if it were only expressed in the right way? But if we ask ourselves now, after the proponents of this idea have had a number of years to demonstrate their strength, does the success even somewhat meet our expectations? then we must answer: no, decidedly not. The reason for this phenomenon is to be found in the fact that the German idea has not entered Parliament at the same time as the men. If it had, then its representatives, once they had united to form a closer alliance, would not have been allowed to separate again so easily. The German idea in its true form must prove strong enough to push all personal special interests, indeed all subordinate political interests, and finally the often petty interests of certain constituencies into the background. The fact that it was not able to do so in the German Club simply shows that the figure represented there was not the right one. And where has it ever been voiced in the House, where has a more important state action been placed in its perspective? For example, we placed the greatest hopes on Representative Steinwender. When did he fulfill them? We are referred to the Pino case. What Steinwender did there may be quite meritorious: it was not a national act; it was even quite indifferent to the national cause. Indeed, it seems to us that much of what this member of parliament put forward belonged anywhere but in parliament. The same applies to Mr. Pernerstorfer's best-known action, his hospital story. We have often admired the manly demeanor of this Member of Parliament, but he has hardly ever touched on the highest national interests of the Germans. Knotz treats the national question as if the Bohemian governorship were the only issue in question. In our opinion, this is not national politics after all, it is simply parochial politics, and there is no need to wonder that the ruling system cannot be shaken in this way. From the very beginning we did not like the fact that the German Club relied almost entirely on negations instead of the positive national idea. There was far too much focus on combating the mistakes that had previously been made, instead of improving the cause itself. Fighting those who thought differently gradually became the main thing, and defending one's own ideas took a back seat. Instead of uniting in what they had in common and moving with their special interests within the framework made necessary by a great cause, they allowed themselves to be driven as far apart as possible by differences that had nothing to do with the main issue.

Today we have Herbstians, Plenerians, Sturmians, Steinwendians, Schönerians, etc., who all know what divides them, but who pay no attention to what unites them. This is because they do not understand how to subordinate personal interests to objective interests. They do not realize that one does not become a statesman by putting forward purely subjective, arbitrary views, but by placing oneself at the service of a great idea that is well suited to dominate the times. The man has to serve the idea, not the idea the man. Otherwise one is simply swept away by historical development as a zero, for in the end ideas always prove to be stronger than men. The German party lacks that great trait which alone could exert the right effect on the opponent. Unfortunately, we also lack a journalistic representation of the national cause in the sense indicated. Apart from the weak means with which we dedicate ourselves to the cause, there is no organ today that works in this direction. But it is precisely a journal that is independent of all parliamentary parties that could be of most use to the cause. Such a journal, indeed only such a journal, could allow itself an independent critique of all parties.

During the latter period, the German nationalists often expressed the view that they should come to an understanding with the clerical Germans in order to take joint action with them against their Slavic opponents where national issues were concerned. In doing so, the party formation of these opponents was kept in mind, in which strong political and religious differences were held together by the bond of common nationality. If the view were to become more widespread that we should use the fighting methods of our national opponents in the struggle for our national cause, we would find this very alarming. For it would show how little the profound contrast that exists between the national idea of the German and that of the non-German nationalities in Cisleithania is still being grasped.

The Germans are fighting for a cultural task that was given to them by their national development, and what they are up against in this struggle is national chauvinism. It is not our dear national ego, not the name that has come to us by chance of birth, that we have to defend, but the content that is linked to this ego, that is expressed by this name. We do not want to confront our opponents as what we were born as, but as what we have become in the course of many centuries of development. What do our opponents have to confront us with? Nothing but that they are also a nation. The empty national "I" that presents itself as pretentiously as possible and at the same time makes no claim other than that it is there. That is the hallmark of chauvinism as the German people have never known it. What is wrong with this narrow-minded national ego, which only wants to assert its own emptiness as much as possible and wants to know nothing of the whole world, when it allies itself with parties that would prefer to destroy the achievements of our European culture of the last centuries? With parties that are only national, it does not matter how the national self exists, whether it is at the level of education of the time or not, it only matters that it has as much space as possible for its inanity and as much validity as possible for its intellectual barrenness. Who will join the Germans, say the Slovenes, if they make it a condition that we should not close our minds to the level of education they have achieved and that we should erect a barrier to our national character in their education? We are more comfortable with the clerics, who demand nothing but submission to the Church, but leave our national pretensions completely free rein.

The hostility of the Slavic nations towards German education coincides with the hostility with which the Roman Church opposes modern culture, which is mainly supported by the Germans. Only those who have never set foot on the ground of historical observation can delude themselves into believing that there is a reconciliation between German character, German culture and the Roman Church. If circumstances may make it necessary for truces to occur at certain times, the opposites will always sharpen the weapons again. The deep trait of the German nature will never fail to bring forth the religious mission from its own interior at the same time as its culture. Indeed, one might say that everything the German does has the deeply religious imprint that lies in his character and which rears up powerfully when his conscience, his heart, is to be given direction from outside. The German always appears as a totality, and just as his other education is, so he also wants his religious conviction to spring from within himself. The German cannot need an international religion, he only understands his national religion. That is the reason why the German protests again and again against the shackles of Rome. But do not think that this spirit of protest lives only among Protestants, German Catholics and Old Catholics; it exists among all enlightened Germans, even if it is not outwardly displayed. For it is the protest of the German heart against foreign beings. Only those for whom Germanness has become indifferent, has sunk to an empty name, can place themselves completely at the service of this foreign being. It is of no use if peasant members of parliament recall their German ancestry from time to time if they have no idea of the spiritual ties that bind every true German to his people. It is not possible to unite with such a party as long as we do not want to lose ourselves, as long as we do not want to give up that which alone earns us the right to bear the German name. We do not want to achieve what we want to achieve through lazy compromises; we want to achieve it solely under the banner of the German idea. We do not want to give up our hundred-year-old traditions, we do not want to slap our entire national development in the face in order to gain a few questionable concessions from a government which, according to its own statement, can govern without the Germans, in association with an un-German party made up of born Germans. However, as much as the idea of such coexistence contradicts the healthy development of German party life and our national organization, it seems to be in constant expansion. The path that may be quite fruitful for our national opponents, the path of gaining as much as possible for each individual through mutual concessions, can never be a good thing for us Germans. For there can be no doubt in the mind of anyone who considers our circumstances objectively that the political basis on which Count Taaffe's government rests can never have any understanding of the tasks of the German people. Does anyone believe that a real government program can be made without the Germans in Austria? There are two kinds of government. One with a political program that sets the direction for the circumstances, and one on a case-by-case basis that seeks to maintain itself on the surface at all costs through diplomatic use of the political constellations that present themselves. What one calls a politician in ordinary life is also decidedly in favor of governing in the latter sense. And Count Taaffe is a not insignificant politician in this sense. And because he is, and because the Germans are only able to put up insufficient resistance to his external art of governing, hence their miserable situation. It does not occur to us to expect the Germans to devote the stirrings of their hearts to the art of diplomacy, but a little more political sense would be necessary. Above all, we must know which parties can make common cause with us and not give ourselves over to insubstantial political chimeras. There is so much in the turning away of Austria's non-German nationalities from German education that suits the clericals that the latter cannot be thought of turning away.

The "keeping afloat" through diplomatic arts without a guiding state idea cannot be without end; what is not borne by inner necessity, but only by the ambition of honor, must dissolve itself. Rumors keep surfacing that the Ministry of Education is drafting an Imperial National School Act, which is supposed to be such that Prince Liechtenstein can waive his application with a clear conscience. Mr. v. Gautsch, who only recently rejected any influence from the left or the right in the most self-confident language, must understand this. Certain wills will soon be broken in this regime, and men from it who still impressed with their energy last year have already become quite colorless today. In the meantime, it is up to the Germans to work on their national organization, to show false pleasures the door and to protest against rotten compromises, if such are represented within their own party.

The public discussions about our education system, which have been rekindled by the clerical onslaught against the elementary school and by a number of government measures, reveal the complete lack of insight and superficiality that is evident in the assessment of questions of popular education. Almost nowhere is there an awareness of what is important here. As far as journalism is concerned, thoroughness is not a characteristic that distinguishes it in any matter, but the representatives of our public opinion are hardly as dilettantish as when it comes to education. But even in parliament we hardly ever hear a word that hits the nail on the head when school and school legislation are discussed. And it is due to this lack of deeper understanding of the matter that our school system, to which so much good will has been applied by the legislative factors for two decades, is by no means moving in a direction that is satisfactory from a pedagogical-didactic point of view. However, the most decisive evidence of the errors in which public opinion finds itself in this direction must be seen in the reception given to the work of the present Minister of Education. Soon after Mr. von Gautsch's first announcements, loud voices of satisfaction could be heard from all sides that an energetic man was now in charge of the education system, who would lead the government unperturbed by left and right, purely in accordance with objective considerations. The energy with which he went about his work was admired. One decree followed another. There were two reasons for this phenomenon: firstly, the general feeling that there was a great deal to improve in our education system and that we needed a "man of action", and secondly, the desire in which almost all the various party groups in Germany are united today: to see the present government replaced by a civil service ministry. In Mr. von Gautsch, one saw a man of those tendencies with which one would prefer to have all other ministerial chairs filled. There was a widespread opinion that it was impossible to form a ministry from any party under the present circumstances. The bureaucracy, which is colorless in national terms, is considered to be the only suitable body to lead the government in the near future; indeed, it is considered to be the only salvation. Now it cannot be denied that such a purely administrative ministry, which leaves every initiative in political and national matters to parliament, can do little harm, because as a rule it does not actually govern, but is governed by circumstances and other power factors. Indeed, it must be regarded as particularly fortunate when such a government takes as few positive measures as possible, for nothing can hinder the progress of a people more than when a bureaucratic spirit leads the living life of the state to ossification. The worst thing, however, is when this spirit of ossification asserts itself where a lively view of the matter is most needed: in education. And unfortunately, in Austria in the last twenty years, the good will of which we spoke has been joined by that bureaucratic spirit even among those governments to whom it was completely alien in other areas. Above all, this spirit manifested itself in the fact that too little attention was paid to the reform of the teaching profession and too much to that of the subject matter. A syllabus that has been worked out down to the smallest detail, a system of regulations that prescribes the teacher's every action down to the smallest detail, kills teaching. Today, teachers not only prescribe what to take from each lesson, but also how to proceed. And in order to be as complete as possible in this direction of error, efforts are increasingly being made to turn our teacher training colleges into a kind of methodical drill institute for prospective popular educators. Candidates are to be taught in a series of methodical terms of art how they must approach the youth entrusted to them. Such an approach makes any development of individuality impossible, and yet the prosperity of the teaching system depends solely on the cultivation of the individuality of future teachers. They must be given scope to develop as freely as possible, then they will have the most beneficial effect.

And if the teacher, whose thinking has been sufficiently constricted by the so-called "methodology", encounters a regulation at every step he takes in school, then it must be a burden for him to work in a professional circle that leaves no room for his own thinking. We had a period in Austria when the main task of educational administration was seen as being to attract good individual teachers. At that time, of course, care extended more to the secondary school system, which, however, experienced an upswing that has no equal in the history of Austrian education. Strangely enough, this period coincided with the reign of the clerical minister Thun. We still remember the spirit that permeated our grammar school system at that time, and how Thun, even disregarding his personal opinions and his clerical point of view, made it his concern to elevate higher education by drawing on individuality wherever he could find it. We believe we can speak all the more freely on this point because our position certainly cannot be accused of any bias in favor of Count Thun's political tendencies. But it is an incontrovertible truth that Thun emphasized the individual, while the liberal school legislation of the last decades emphasized the paragraph. Instead of wasting time on this collection of paragraphs, which is of no help to the incompetent teacher, because it cannot instill in him the art of educating and teaching once he has lost it, but which only constricts the capable, talented teacher and deprives him of any pleasure in his profession, one should have started with an intervening reform of the teacher training system. And this should not be in the direction of a methodical judging, but by including such sciences in the curriculum of teacher training colleges that enable the teacher to have a higher understanding of his task. The future teacher should know the goals of his people's cultural development and the direction in which it is moving. Historical and aesthetic education should be at the center of this. He should be introduced to the spiritual development of mankind, in which he is to participate. To work blindly according to learned tricks and ministerial decrees is most unbecoming of this profession. Only if it is itself brought into connection with science, if it is introduced to the secrets of art, in short, if it is given an insight into the various directions of the human spirit, will it be able to be brought to a level that makes a lively grasp of its profession possible. In our schools, we can experience the most unbelievable things that the stereotypical treatment of our teaching system has brought about. The mindless way of working through the subject matter, which we often encounter in our elementary and secondary schools, is solely due to the shortcomings of our teaching system that we have mentioned. We have to learn that there are teachers who make teaching a real torture for young people by making almost insurmountable demands which kill rather than encourage their spirit. A teacher who has been brought into a living connection with his science, who is attached to his profession with a certain idealism, will achieve more or less with his pupils, depending on his greater or lesser capacity as an educator, but it will never be possible to raise this measure of what can be achieved by a learned methodical trick or by a regulation. However, the fact that this has always been believed by those who have participated in our more recent school legislation is a mistake that has sometimes had serious consequences. What has not been tried to force into paragraphs? After all, the intention was to establish a separate Austrian school orthography through ministerial decrees; indeed, this was done to some extent. What did this achieve? Nothing other than the fact that when the person leaving school enters a professional position, they have to unlearn their school orthography as quickly as possible and adapt to the generally accepted spelling.

As long as the errors alluded to here are not recognized in authoritative circles, our new school and its representatives will not be strong enough to effectively counter the anti-freedom parties. If we now ask ourselves in what way Mr. von Gautsch has intervened in this development of our school system, we can only say that his measures have gone the furthest in what the bureaucratic spirit can offer. Although all his regulations begin with the words: For pedagogical-didactic reasons it seems necessary to order, etc. ..., they all carry the one tendency: to restrict the teacher in the freedom of his work. The teacher should become more and more a compliant civil servant who only has to carry out the orders of his superiors. Who can deny that there is energy and the best will in the actions of the teaching system? But with any development of power it always depends on what it accomplishes. If the energy throws itself in the wrong direction and then does all it can to maintain this direction, then this energy will have a much less favorable effect than inaction, which leaves everything as it was. The pure civil service may be transformed for the purposes of an orderly state administration in a good sense by a direction such as that taken by Mr. von Gautsch, but the teaching profession and the teaching system will certainly not be improved by such a potentiation of the mistakes that have been made here for a long time. After all, cultural development cannot be based on laws and regulations, it must be based on people. An Austrian Minister of Education would have a great deal to do in this direction. And he could do so, because this is an area of his activity in which he needs to be least influenced by the other tendencies of the government to which he belongs. That would be the goal that he should keep his eyes fixed on, and from which neither calls from the right nor the left should distract him.

The behavior of our liberal parties towards the Minister of the Lower House has once again shown how little a truly liberal spirit permeates the views of this party, and how often sham liberalism is the stumbling block to real development in the spirit of freedom and progress.

If one could object to Emperor Wilhelm II's proclamation to the Prussian people that it was too general, that it lacked the individual character that would have presented the new ruler's principles of government to the people with complete certainty, then the opposite must be said of the words of heavy content that were addressed to the German people from the throne on Monday. They leave us unclear about no more important question, they show in the most definite way which path the ruler of Germany wants to take. The Emperor did not pronounce a program for the future, but pointed to what already existed in order to say that he would endeavor to continue the work begun with such great fortune and blessing by his immediate ancestors. And in this sense, the 'Throne Speech' delivered in the German Reichstag can be called a truly magnificent message to the German people. A commendable, satisfying historical trait runs through it, which testifies to the new ruler's deep insight into the incontrovertible truth that only that government can be truly beneficial which places itself at the service of historical necessity. The thread of history must not be broken anywhere, and it is a grave mistake to stage reforms from the top down, bypassing the proper development. Individual inclination must take a back seat to the higher duty imposed on the ruler by history. The new ruler possesses the selflessness necessary to rule in the sense indicated. He wants to continue to act in the same way that led his grandfather to such successes and that his exalted father also described as the right way. The events of recent years are a guarantee that the German people will fully understand the views of their Emperor. The Germans have a truly conservative mind, which, averse to hollow radicalism, is geared to the healthy further development of what already exists, which is within the realm of possibility. They know that there is little to be gained from haste in the field of politics. It is not doctrinaire measures that are grafted onto the Reich's legislation like templates that can benefit the Reich in the future, but only the consolidation of state conditions in the spirit of the German people. This is the raison d'état adopted by Emperor Wilhelm I in wise recognition of Bismarck's tremendous statesmanlike genius, and his grandson, guided by the best of intentions, is probably large enough to recognize the necessity of his great chancellor's idea of the state for the Reich. - And in this the members of all parties must agree with him, in the spirit of the Emperor's words: "It will be my endeavor to continue the work of imperial legislation in the same spirit as my esteemed grandfather began it."

The Emperor's words on the German-Austrian alliance seem to us to be of even greater significance: "Our alliance with Austria-Hungary is public knowledge. I adhere to it in German loyalty, not merely because it has been concluded, but because I see in this defensive alliance a basis of European balance and a legacy of German history, the content of which is supported today by the public opinion of the entire German people and corresponds to the traditional European law of nations, as it was undisputedly valid until 1866." These are sentences that must fill every German with the deepest joy. We would not have dared to hope that the unified feeling of all Germans would be expressed with such certainty from the throne. The Germans in Austria had to cheer loudly when they came across this passage. They could never want more than for the awareness of the unity of the two Central European empires to reach so far up to the thrones. Thanks to the new ruler that he understood how to speak such truly balmy words to his people!

Every sentence of this speech sounds like something taken from world history. "We share the same historical ties and the same national needs of the present with Italy. Both countries (Austria-Hungary and Italy) want to hold on to the blessings of peace in order to live in peace in the consolidation of their newly won unity, the development of their national institutions and the promotion of their welfare." Thus the Emperor spoke about the alliance of the three monarchies, again emphasizing the necessity of the development of circumstances and taking full account of the aspirations of the popular spirit and national sentiment.

And if it is true what is claimed from so many sides, that the new ruler is particularly inclined towards the military profession, then he showed all the more how he knows how to subordinate his personal inclinations to his duty. "Our army should secure peace for us and, if it is nevertheless broken, be able to fight for it with honor. With God's help, it will be able to do so with the strength it has received through the most recent military law unanimously passed by you. It is far from my heart to use this strength for wars of aggression. Germany needs neither new war glories nor any conquests, now that it has finally won the right to exist as a single "and independent nation."

Whoever is interested in the prosperous development of the German people must be deeply disgusted by the unworthy party bickering of recent weeks. Friedrich this way - Wilhelm that way, it was believed that the Emperor and the then heir to the throne could be brought down to the selfish aspirations of the parties. It was only forgotten in the case of the former that he was far too noble a nature to be affected by the flattery of one side or the blasphemies of the other. Had he come to the German throne in good health, he would have represented an ethical power that would soon have made the position clear to the quarrelling parties. Unfortunately, he was not granted the opportunity to prevent the abuse that was made of his name. And Emperor Wilhelm II? Well, last Monday he announced to the whole world that his aspirations have nothing in common with the views of the party that would so like to portray him as one of its own. He has shown that he puts himself at the service of completely different ideas than the narrow-minded goals of Muckertum. Hopefully the people will now realize how much party egoism falsifies the truth, and how all sides trumpet what they would like to be true to the world.

A German ruler who placed himself in the service of a party would soon have to realize how he could do nothing against the necessity of development. Circumstances would force him out of the party framework, which, whatever it might be, was too narrow for the imperial government. It is Bismarck's great points of view, into which the new ruler has settled from his youth, which he cannot separate from the existence of the German Empire. In the German Emperor's mind, the will of the people must become the principle of government, not party spirit. The deep understanding that the Emperor has expressed for this ensures the fulfillment of his wish, as can be seen from the concluding words of the throne speech: "Trusting in God and in the fortitude of our people, I am confident that for the foreseeable future we will be granted the opportunity to preserve and consolidate in peaceful work what was fought for under the leadership of my two predecessors on the throne, who rested in God!"